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An email invitation was mailed to the Principal at Middle, Jr. High, Sr. High, and K-12 Combined Schools in the United States on 3/18/13. These schools may use the promotional code in their email to request one complimentary Lincoln Classroom Edition DVD for their school. Limit one complimentary DVD per school. Offer expires at midnight Pacific Daylight Time on June 30, 2013 and is good while supplies last. Offer is good in the United States only. Information subject to change. Distributed by Disney Educational Productions, 901 Bilter Rd., Aurora, IL 60502.
© 2012 DreamWorks II Distribution Co., LLC and Twentieth Century Fox Film Corporation
© 2012 DreamWorks II Distribution Co., LLC and Twentieth Century Fox Film Corporation
Historic images courtesy of Ancestry.com.
©2012 Ancestry.com. All rights reserved.
The date is July 30, 1945. World War II is in its sixth bloody year. Hitler is dead and Germany has surrendered, but Japan is preparing for a fight to the death. Last week, President Harry Truman, along with Winston Churchill and Joseph Stalin, called for Japan’s unconditional surrender. The Emperor of Japan refused. General George C. Marshall, preparing for a brutal invasion of Japan, is predicting 250,000 more American casualties.
Two weeks ago the first atomic bomb, the deadliest weapon in history, was successfully tested in New Mexico. The US Secretary of War, Henry Stimson, has met with President Truman and advised that the bomb should be used against Japan as soon as possible. If used, many Japanese civilians will die. Stimson and others believe that deploying this ultimate weapon will lead to Japan’s immediate surrender. This act of destruction will save many American lives. Now the president must decide whether or not to issue an order that will change history.
Lincoln would do what Truman is considering.
Lincoln would see a parallel with the last bloody months of the Civil War. In early 1865, as in mid-1945, the tide had turned in the war, and yet Union armies were suffering heavy casualties as they fought the Confederacy. Lincoln, in his second inaugural address, confessed that neither side expected the war to attain “the magnitude, or the duration, which it has already attained.” After five long years of bloody fighting, he would have supported a quick solution to end the war, however terrible. He would have accepted 70,000 expected Japanese casualties in order to avoid many times that number from both sides if the war were to continue.
By 1865, Lincoln realized that modern warfare had evolved from straightforward battlefield engagements to “total war.” In this approach, combatants target both military and civilian resources, including agricultural, infrastructure and human resources. In 1864, Union Generals Sheridan and Sherman were no longer attacking only military targets in the South; Sherman was also destroying cities, damaging the Confederacy’s infrastructure, and treating civilians like the enemy. The generals’ tactics were getting results, and Lincoln supported them. Lincoln’s evolving understanding of the nature of modern war would have led him to accept an attack on a civilian target.
Lincoln was no pacifist. He could have stopped the loss of American lives by simply recognizing the Confederacy as an independent nation. Instead, he chose to let thousands die in a fight to preserve a democracy that he believed in. He would not have hesitated to use the atomic bomb in 1945 in order to preserve that same democracy.
Lincoln was a strong supporter of the latest scientific discoveries. During his presidency, he aggressively pursued all of the latest weaponry, sometimes even testing them himself before sending them into the field. He would not have been repelled by the atomic bomb, but rather would have seen it as the weapon to end the war.
Lincoln would not do what Truman is considering.
Lincoln would not see a parallel with the last bloody months of the Civil War. As a moral leader and the president, Lincoln would not have supported such an unprecedented attack on a civilian target. During his presidency, Lincoln pardoned dozens of soldiers convicted of desertion. He did this in direct violation of military law, because he did not believe the execution of scared deserters to be right. He would have recognized that the use of the atomic bomb, while sanctioned by military law, was also not right, and he would not have used it.
Lincoln was a cautious leader. While General Marshall predicted 250,000 American casualties in the invasion of Japan, other members of the military believed that the war was almost won. Lincoln would not have proceeded with such a drastic measure without being absolutely certain that he had no other alternatives.
Unlike President Truman, who had seen brutal combat during World War I, Lincoln’s company during the Black Hawk War never fought a battle, so Lincoln might not have been capable of making such a grim military decision.
The date is June 28, 1865. The last Confederate general surrendered to the Union five days ago. It’s been more than two months since Robert E. Lee surrendered to Ulysses S. Grant, and more than a month since the Confederate President was captured and the Confederate Government was dissolved. The Civil War is effectively over. The Radical Republicans in Congress are exerting powerful pressure on President Andrew Johnson to put Confederates on trial for treason, impose harsh punishments on the South, and grant civil rights to almost four million newly-freed people. Meanwhile, the Democrats and more moderate Republicans want to get the South readmitted to the Union as soon as possible. They advocate leniency and forgiveness, and a return to normalcy. Reconstruction has begun.
With the country in turmoil, and the next congressional election a year away, President Johnson is called upon to strike a blow for the rights of the Freedmen. He is considering issuing a Proclamation granting all male former slaves the right to vote.
Lincoln would do what Johnson is considering.
Lincoln would see a parallel with the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment. Lincoln fought for the amendment because he believed it was right; he did not mind that others thought it would hurt him politically. As a moral leader with a reputation for excellent political judgment, he chose to fight for the Thirteenth Amendment, and thus would have done the same when it came to voting rights for former slaves.
Martin Luther King, Jr. said, “The arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice.” Lincoln’s personal feelings towards African-Americans evolved over his life—it is therefore reasonable to assume that while he advocated voting rights for “very intelligent” former slaves, it is safe to assume that he would have come to embrace the rights of all former slaves.
Lincoln was more moderate and less racially biased than President Johnson. He was also one of the most popular leaders the United States had ever seen, and was willing to use his popularity to change the course of history.
Lincoln would want to repay the most loyal part of the South—the former slaves and the free African-Americans—for their part in winning the Civil War.
Lincoln would not do what Johnson is considering.
Lincoln would not see a parallel with the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment. The Thirteenth Amendment was a measure outlawing slavery, an institution that Lincoln hated his entire adult life. By contrast, even in his last speech, he did not support the rights of all former male slaves to vote.
Lincoln was a practical politician; his behavior as a wartime president would have been necessarily more radical than his behavior during Reconstruction. Post-war, he would have worked hard to bring the South back into the Union and would have avoided such a controversial plan.
Throughout his presidency, Lincoln favored the Union over the cause of abolition; he did not fight for the emancipation of the slaves and the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment until it became clear that reconciliation with the South was impossible.
The date is September 14, 2001. Three days ago, nineteen Islamic terrorists hijacked four US commercial jets. They flew two into the World Trade Center in New York City; one into the Pentagon in Washington, D.C.; and one crashed in Pennsylvania, short of its intended target, after passengers attempted to take control. Nearly 3,000 people died in the attacks. No one knows for certain whether more attacks are planned, or whether Al-Qaeda agents remain in the US. President George W. Bush feels that national security is in jeopardy and declares a national emergency. Though the 9/11 attacks are clearly an act of war, this war is not with another country but rather with an independent, foreign terrorist organization; thus the name, War on Terror. The president is considering the following policies to combat terror:
- Request that Congress authorize the use of military force
- Establish military commissions to detain and prosecute suspected terrorists—in effect, to restrict unlawful enemy combatants’ access to the writ of habeas corpus. Habeas corpus is the means by which a court immediately takes responsibility for crime suspects, but then must release them immediately if the detention is deemed unlawful. When the writ of habeas corpus is suspended, law enforcement may detain suspects indefinitely.
Lincoln would do what Bush is considering.
Lincoln would see a parallel with the beginning of the Civil War. Faced with with the extraordinary situation of secession, Lincoln assumed extraordinary war powers. Lincoln called for military forces to protect Washington, D.C. and appropriated money for the purchase of arms and ammunition.
Similar to disloyal civilians during the Civil War, terrorists do not merit the same rights as do loyal citizens during peacetime. Lincoln authorized the use of military commissions to try those accused of disloyalty; he claimed the right to review private communications; and he suspended the writ of habeas corpus so he could detain Confederate sympathizers in Union states who were suspected of actively undermining the war effort, whether through action or speech.
Lincoln would not do what Bush is considering.
Lincoln would not see parallels with the beginning of the Civil War. After 9/11, the entire capital was not in grave, immediate danger. At the beginning of the Civil War, however, the nation’s capital was bordered by Virginia, which had seceded, and Maryland, which had threatened repeatedly to secede. These border states represented a clear, nearby threat.
No clear-cut threat by Al Qaeda supporters in the US could be quantified following 9/11. In Lincoln’s time, however, there were many known and suspected Confederate sympathizers still living in the North. The threat was local and immediate, and the numbers were significant. Treating them as enemy combatants was merited under the circumstances.
The War on Terror is not the result of a rebellion or an invasion. Lincoln specifically highlighted rebellions and invasions as times when the Constitution could be applied differently.
The date is January 26, 1869. The Civil War has been over for almost four years. Six months ago, the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution was adopted into law. The Fourteenth Amendment provided legal protection for all citizens of the United States, regardless of their race. Now, members of Congress are preparing to put the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution to a vote. The Fifteenth Amendment will guarantee that citizens of the United States will not be denied the right to vote “on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.”
A few senators, including Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania, want to change the proposed Amendment to guarantee the right to vote regardless of gender or race. Women in America are not and have never been allowed to vote in elections. If a great injustice is to be corrected and all men are to be allowed to vote, why not allow women as well? A small coalition has approached President Andrew Johnson, asking him to speak out in favor of women’s suffrage in the new amendment.
Lincoln would do what Johnson is considering.
Lincoln was a supporter of women’s rights. His wife, Mary Todd Lincoln, was his confidante and a shrewd political ally for his whole career. While a lawyer in Springfield, Illinois, he represented hundreds of women in cases that were both unglamorous and low-paying. As President, he was particularly sensitive to the needs of mothers of soldiers, women seeking jobs, and female abolitionists. He also valued the Declaration of Independence, the chief document of the women’s rights movement, above all others.
Lincoln believed that those who “bear the [burdens]” of government deserved to share in its rights and privileges. After the North won the Civil War, he spoke publicly in favor of giving African-American soldiers the right to vote. In Lincoln’s lifetime, he watched as women left the homestead to make important contributions to the war effort, to politics, and to many other aspects of public life. Since women were increasingly viewed as contributing to the public good, Lincoln would have supported their right to vote.
Lincoln would not do what Johnson is considering.
Lincoln was a cautious politician. He was slower than many Radical Republicans to support the rights of African-Americans during the Civil War. In 1869, as well as in Lincoln’s lifetime, women’s suffrage was a radical issue. No Western government of the time supported women’s right to vote. Few of his contemporaries seriously considered the issue. Women were not considered the equals of men, so Lincoln would not have led the way in supporting such a radical political issue.
Lincoln believed that women were protected under the law. He had observed this protected status during his years as a lawyer. In this respect, their status was different from that of the enslaved people that he worked so hard to free. Lincoln did not consider the freedoms withheld from women to be equivalent in any way to the freedoms withheld from the slaves. While he may have one day come to support the women’s suffrage, in 1869, with the country in the difficult process of Reconstruction, he would not have supported changing the Fifteenth Amendment.
© 2012 DreamWorks II Distribution Co., LLC and Twentieth Century Fox Film Corporation
1793-1869 Edward Bates
1813-1883 Edwin Stanton
1813-1896 Lyman Trumbull
1801-1872 William H. Seward
1802-1878 Gideon Welles
1791-1876 Francis Preston Blair, Sr.
1813-1883 Montgomery Blair
1808-1873 Salmon P. Chase
1826-1885 George B. McClellan
1792-1868 Thaddeus Stevens
1812-1887 James Speed
1816-1889 John P. Usher
1 of 12
NEED A HINT?
Attorney General, first term
Try again. Lincoln needed someone with legal, judicial and political experience for this coveted spot.
Secretary of War
Nearly. This role called for someone who was a strong manager and administrator to successfully carry out the war on land.
Secretary of the Navy
Almost. Lincoln needed a strong, practical manager who could carry out a sevenfold increase in the size and strength of the US Navy.
Attorney General, second term
Close. As Lincoln began his second term, he needed someone in this role who was both loyal and had judicial expertise.
Secretary of the Interior
Almost. Lincoln saw this position as a way to balance his Cabinet with someone from a more western state.
Postmaster General
Try again. Officially, this position manages the US Post Office; unofficially, Lincoln wanted someone from a border state who had political connections.
Secretary of the Treasury
Almost. This prize position required an experienced leader
who could be responsible for issuing the first US paper currency.
Secretary of State
Not quite. Lincoln needed someone in this highly visible role who was loyal, energetic, strong, and very politically experienced.
NICE WORK!
Edward Bates Attorney General, 1861-1864
Bates served for most of Lincoln’s first term. He then returned to Missouri and essentially retired from politics.
Edwin M. Stanton Secretary of War, 1862 – 1868
Stanton's skill at marshaling resources to run the war was invaluable to Lincoln. Stanton also served under President Andrew Johnson, but was later replaced. This action led to Johnson's attempted impeachment.
Gideon Welles Secretary of the Navy, 1861 – 1869
Welles’ Navy buildup was crucial to Union victory, and he continued his work under President Johnson. His journals are an important record of the Civil War and Lincoln’s presidency.
James Speed Attorney General, 1864 – 1866
Speed resigned from the Cabinet shortly after Johnson took office. He returned to Kentucky where he practiced law, ran unsuccessfully for office, and taught law.
John Usher Secretary of the Interior, 1863 – 1865
Usher had a low-profile term as Secretary under Lincoln. Later, he became an attorney for the Union Pacific Railway, which he was instrumental in developing.
Montgomery Blair Postmaster General, 1861 – 1864
Following the Civil War, Blair returned to the Democratic Party due to differences over Reconstruction policy. It was within this party that he supported his brother’s political career and tried unsuccessfully to advance his own.
Salmon P. Chase Secretary of the Treasury, 1861-1864
At the Treasury, Chase created a national banking system and issued the first US paper currency. Lincoln nominated him to the Supreme Court, where he served from 1864 - 1873.
William H. Seward Secretary of State, 1861-1869
After Lincoln’s death, Seward continued as Secretary of State under President Johnson, where he shaped the 1867 purchase of Alaska (“Seward's Folly”).
Doris Kearns Goodwin’s book by the same name popularized the idea of Lincoln’s Cabinet as a “Team of Rivals.” Remarkably, Lincoln recruited the members of his Cabinet from his political rivals, from competing factions of his party, and even from other political parties.
Lincoln’s extraordinary vision united their political and intellectual talents to preserve the Union, to win the war, and to end slavery.
© 2012 DreamWorks II Distribution Co., LLC and Twentieth Century Fox Film Corporation
Historic images courtesy of Ancestry.com.
©2012 Ancestry.com. All rights reserved.
© 2012 DreamWorks II Distribution Co., LLC and Twentieth Century Fox Film Corporation
Historic images courtesy of Ancestry.com.
©2012 Ancestry.com. All rights reserved.
© 2012 DreamWorks II Distribution Co., LLC and Twentieth Century Fox Film Corporation